| Copyright © 2012 |
Quiet Mountain Essays
| Contributor's Notes... |
| The "Arab Spring" and Democracy: Changing Political Climate for Women? by Chineze J. Onyejekwe, PhD Women’s and Gender Studies, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona, USA |
The current wind of freedom and democracy that is blowing through North Africa and the Middle
East (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, Yemen…), otherwise known as the "Arab Spring," is a
rebuttal to repressive regimes that were out of touch with their people and their increasing
frustrations, and to the corruption of these regimes. This wind that is unfolding in rapid successions is
creating a mounting pressure for social and democratic reforms by galvanizing the desire to live, the
will to speak out, and the ability to choose one's own destiny. Many have also marveled at the sudden
shift in political discourse that has resulted from this unleashing of popular protests that offer women
in particular, a space where their voices can be heard, shared and explored especially in the political
arena. Women’s participation in politics remains central to democratic governance. Globally,
however, the persistence of patriarchal patterns of behavior and the existence of stereotypes relating to
the role of women perpetuate the discrimination of women within many societies. The difficulties that
women face are not only due to intimidation, hostility and ridicule from the community but also due
to state inaction in ensuring redress. These constitute tremendous barriers to women's advancement.
In a number of different ways, these barriers against women’s advancement resemble the state’s
support of patriarchal relations enumerated by Sylvia Walby (1990; 1994) – that which favored the
placement of women within the private (domestic) sphere in order to entrench the roles of women as
caregivers and child-bearers. Hence, in a democratic environment, women often challenge those
patriarchal structures that disadvantage them. Their activities often take on myriad forms – political
involvement and shaping legislation, research and gathering data, grassroots organizing, education,
using media to inform and empower, legal defense, military reform, fighting to reduce small arms,
and more. With regards to the "Arab Spring", women have been visibly active in these democratic
revolutions, struggling side by side with men. They have contributed in multiple ways including in
animating social networks, organizing committees, in the street, in graffiti and in artistic creations.
The “Arab Spring” has seen signs of change emerging in successions in the Arab world as legislators
make attempts to include women in political decision-making. In May 2011, Algerian women started
testing the winds of the “Arab Spring” and by April 2011, the Tunisian transitional authorities ruled
on a gender parity law, requiring equal numbers of women and men as candidates in their upcoming
Constituent Assembly election. Earlier on, the small Gulf state of Bahrain where women won the right
to vote in 2001 saw the first woman win a parliamentary seat in 2006 (Reem Khalifa, Associated Press,
17 October 2006). Similarly, Kuwaitis voted for their first female MPs in 2009, following the oil-rich
country's third general election in three years. This saw the oldest parliament in the region admit four
women (BBC News, May 17, 2009).
These revolutions have not, however, yet taken root in places such as the oil-rich Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, where gender power relations left a legacy whereby women are mostly disadvantaged relative
to men, and have fewer rights both within the household and in the public sphere, especially in
decision-making.
The absence of women in political debates and decision-making processes in the Kingdom shows the
indifference to the multiple barriers that block women’s access to decision-making, leadership, and
career opportunities, as well as the failure of political and legal systems to address outright and subtle
discrimination against women. Examples include women “requiring a male relative's permission to
work or leave the country and not allowing women to drive cars” (Asma Alsharif, REUTERS,
September 25, 2011). The ban on issuing driving licenses to women even prompted small protests this
summer by women who defied the authorities and drove (REUTERS, September, 25 2011). Then,
there is the issue of religious misconceptions and rigid mindsets about women’s roles. In the words of
Amartya Sen (1987: 16), this is capability deprivation because women cannot function freely in
society and live a normal life without male guardianship. On September 25, 2011, however, King
Abdullah bin Abdulaziz al-Saud of Saudi Arabia announced that women would be given the right to
vote and stand in elections in their forthcoming elections. This announcement by the 88-year-old king
can therefore be considered a seismic shift as well as a domino effect from the popular democratic
movements - the “Arab Spring” - spreading in the streets of the Middle East.
From all observations, Saudi women will be allowed to vote in 2015. Though seen as a bold shift in the
ultra-conservative Kingdom, Asma Alsharif notes that the Saudi king’s announcement “did not yet
address broader issues of women’s rights.” Yet, the King’s announcement raises hopes of greater
demands for political, economic and social rights for women - more democratic rights. In a country
founded on religious beliefs and remaining profoundly structured in inequality, numerous obstacles
are threaded through the spheres of state and government which create formidable barriers in
women’s involvement in public and political life. In fact, following the King’s announcement there
was outrage among Saudis and expatriates living in the Kingdom after a woman was sentenced to a
couple of lashes by a judge in Jeddah for flouting the driving ban (Mariam Nihal, Arab News,
September 28, 2011). The lashing punishment for the woman driver was, however, revoked by the
King.
Indeed, it seems the implementation of this new law [women voting] will run up against a system of
gender discrimination issues and religious institutions. While this latest development marks the
beginning of progress, to overcome these barriers the Saudi government will have to domesticate and
implement international conventions that promote women’s equal participation in policy and
governance processes. Observable examples from South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique, Uganda,
and Rwanda show that a government’s strong commitment not only to women’s rights but also to the
inclusion of women in politics is a big contributing factor in the rise in women’s representation in
politics (Tripp 2006). This realization and other factors may have been behind the drive to promote
women in decision-making positions, which gained momentum during the 1980s and early 1990s.
Through a series of international conferences, attention was paid to the lack of policy attention to the
needs of women and girls. Yes, there is a need to initiate projects that will empower women, that is,
enable them to participate in government decision-making processes in the society.
Critically, these movements for democracy and human rights that have swept through the Middle
East and North Africa are also a time of serious risk for women's rights. Moreover, while women have
been active participants, in some cases even leaders and spokespersons in these revolutions sweeping
through the region, they have often not been included in the negotiations that will determine the
politics of the future. Yet, the world is changing very fast. These countries have to change in order to
integrate into this process called globalization. Yes, change will come but not so soon. For the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, for example, it is likely to be a decade or two before one sees a woman in
an elected parliament.
When men and women have unrestricted access to spaces of power, they can realize their political
value. Their individual demands and preferences can also be manifested and satisfied. Democracy
therefore affirms paramount necessity of both men and women’s participation under equal
conditions, in the political process. Furthermore, in order to legitimize democracy and make it more
robust, it is necessary to promote women's political participation, but in a broad sense.
East (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, Yemen…), otherwise known as the "Arab Spring," is a
rebuttal to repressive regimes that were out of touch with their people and their increasing
frustrations, and to the corruption of these regimes. This wind that is unfolding in rapid successions is
creating a mounting pressure for social and democratic reforms by galvanizing the desire to live, the
will to speak out, and the ability to choose one's own destiny. Many have also marveled at the sudden
shift in political discourse that has resulted from this unleashing of popular protests that offer women
in particular, a space where their voices can be heard, shared and explored especially in the political
arena. Women’s participation in politics remains central to democratic governance. Globally,
however, the persistence of patriarchal patterns of behavior and the existence of stereotypes relating to
the role of women perpetuate the discrimination of women within many societies. The difficulties that
women face are not only due to intimidation, hostility and ridicule from the community but also due
to state inaction in ensuring redress. These constitute tremendous barriers to women's advancement.
In a number of different ways, these barriers against women’s advancement resemble the state’s
support of patriarchal relations enumerated by Sylvia Walby (1990; 1994) – that which favored the
placement of women within the private (domestic) sphere in order to entrench the roles of women as
caregivers and child-bearers. Hence, in a democratic environment, women often challenge those
patriarchal structures that disadvantage them. Their activities often take on myriad forms – political
involvement and shaping legislation, research and gathering data, grassroots organizing, education,
using media to inform and empower, legal defense, military reform, fighting to reduce small arms,
and more. With regards to the "Arab Spring", women have been visibly active in these democratic
revolutions, struggling side by side with men. They have contributed in multiple ways including in
animating social networks, organizing committees, in the street, in graffiti and in artistic creations.
The “Arab Spring” has seen signs of change emerging in successions in the Arab world as legislators
make attempts to include women in political decision-making. In May 2011, Algerian women started
testing the winds of the “Arab Spring” and by April 2011, the Tunisian transitional authorities ruled
on a gender parity law, requiring equal numbers of women and men as candidates in their upcoming
Constituent Assembly election. Earlier on, the small Gulf state of Bahrain where women won the right
to vote in 2001 saw the first woman win a parliamentary seat in 2006 (Reem Khalifa, Associated Press,
17 October 2006). Similarly, Kuwaitis voted for their first female MPs in 2009, following the oil-rich
country's third general election in three years. This saw the oldest parliament in the region admit four
women (BBC News, May 17, 2009).
These revolutions have not, however, yet taken root in places such as the oil-rich Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, where gender power relations left a legacy whereby women are mostly disadvantaged relative
to men, and have fewer rights both within the household and in the public sphere, especially in
decision-making.
The absence of women in political debates and decision-making processes in the Kingdom shows the
indifference to the multiple barriers that block women’s access to decision-making, leadership, and
career opportunities, as well as the failure of political and legal systems to address outright and subtle
discrimination against women. Examples include women “requiring a male relative's permission to
work or leave the country and not allowing women to drive cars” (Asma Alsharif, REUTERS,
September 25, 2011). The ban on issuing driving licenses to women even prompted small protests this
summer by women who defied the authorities and drove (REUTERS, September, 25 2011). Then,
there is the issue of religious misconceptions and rigid mindsets about women’s roles. In the words of
Amartya Sen (1987: 16), this is capability deprivation because women cannot function freely in
society and live a normal life without male guardianship. On September 25, 2011, however, King
Abdullah bin Abdulaziz al-Saud of Saudi Arabia announced that women would be given the right to
vote and stand in elections in their forthcoming elections. This announcement by the 88-year-old king
can therefore be considered a seismic shift as well as a domino effect from the popular democratic
movements - the “Arab Spring” - spreading in the streets of the Middle East.
From all observations, Saudi women will be allowed to vote in 2015. Though seen as a bold shift in the
ultra-conservative Kingdom, Asma Alsharif notes that the Saudi king’s announcement “did not yet
address broader issues of women’s rights.” Yet, the King’s announcement raises hopes of greater
demands for political, economic and social rights for women - more democratic rights. In a country
founded on religious beliefs and remaining profoundly structured in inequality, numerous obstacles
are threaded through the spheres of state and government which create formidable barriers in
women’s involvement in public and political life. In fact, following the King’s announcement there
was outrage among Saudis and expatriates living in the Kingdom after a woman was sentenced to a
couple of lashes by a judge in Jeddah for flouting the driving ban (Mariam Nihal, Arab News,
September 28, 2011). The lashing punishment for the woman driver was, however, revoked by the
King.
Indeed, it seems the implementation of this new law [women voting] will run up against a system of
gender discrimination issues and religious institutions. While this latest development marks the
beginning of progress, to overcome these barriers the Saudi government will have to domesticate and
implement international conventions that promote women’s equal participation in policy and
governance processes. Observable examples from South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique, Uganda,
and Rwanda show that a government’s strong commitment not only to women’s rights but also to the
inclusion of women in politics is a big contributing factor in the rise in women’s representation in
politics (Tripp 2006). This realization and other factors may have been behind the drive to promote
women in decision-making positions, which gained momentum during the 1980s and early 1990s.
Through a series of international conferences, attention was paid to the lack of policy attention to the
needs of women and girls. Yes, there is a need to initiate projects that will empower women, that is,
enable them to participate in government decision-making processes in the society.
Critically, these movements for democracy and human rights that have swept through the Middle
East and North Africa are also a time of serious risk for women's rights. Moreover, while women have
been active participants, in some cases even leaders and spokespersons in these revolutions sweeping
through the region, they have often not been included in the negotiations that will determine the
politics of the future. Yet, the world is changing very fast. These countries have to change in order to
integrate into this process called globalization. Yes, change will come but not so soon. For the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, for example, it is likely to be a decade or two before one sees a woman in
an elected parliament.
When men and women have unrestricted access to spaces of power, they can realize their political
value. Their individual demands and preferences can also be manifested and satisfied. Democracy
therefore affirms paramount necessity of both men and women’s participation under equal
conditions, in the political process. Furthermore, in order to legitimize democracy and make it more
robust, it is necessary to promote women's political participation, but in a broad sense.
Bibiography
Asma Alsharif “Saudi King Gives Women Right To Vote,” REUTERS, September 25, 2011.
<http://news.yahoo.com/saudi-king-says-women-political-role-115527157.html>
BBC News “Kuwait Votes for First Female MPs,” May 17, 2009.
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/8053088.stm>
Mariam Nihal “Outrage Over Flogging Sentence against Woman Driver,” Arab News, September 28, 2011
<http://arabnews.com/saudiarabia/article508561.ece>
Reem Khalifa “First Woman Wins Bahrain Parliament Seat,” Associated Press, October 17, 2006.
<http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/1107AP_Bahrain_Election.html>
Sen, Amartya (1987) “The Standard of Living: Lecture 1, Concepts and Critiques,” in Sen, Amartya, Jon
Muellbauer, Ravi Kanbur, Keith Hart and Bernard Williams. The Standard of Living, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Tripp, Aili Mari “Uganda: Agents of Change for Women's Advancement?” In Gretchen Bauer and Hannah Evelyn
Britton (eds.), 2006, Women in African Parliaments. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, pp. 111-
132.
Walby, Sylvia (1990) Theorizing Patriarchy. 1-24. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
------- (1994) Towards a Theory of Patriarchy. In The Polity Reader in Gender Studies, 22-8. Cambridge:
Polity Press.
Asma Alsharif “Saudi King Gives Women Right To Vote,” REUTERS, September 25, 2011.
<http://news.yahoo.com/saudi-king-says-women-political-role-115527157.html>
BBC News “Kuwait Votes for First Female MPs,” May 17, 2009.
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/8053088.stm>
Mariam Nihal “Outrage Over Flogging Sentence against Woman Driver,” Arab News, September 28, 2011
<http://arabnews.com/saudiarabia/article508561.ece>
Reem Khalifa “First Woman Wins Bahrain Parliament Seat,” Associated Press, October 17, 2006.
<http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/1107AP_Bahrain_Election.html>
Sen, Amartya (1987) “The Standard of Living: Lecture 1, Concepts and Critiques,” in Sen, Amartya, Jon
Muellbauer, Ravi Kanbur, Keith Hart and Bernard Williams. The Standard of Living, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Tripp, Aili Mari “Uganda: Agents of Change for Women's Advancement?” In Gretchen Bauer and Hannah Evelyn
Britton (eds.), 2006, Women in African Parliaments. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, pp. 111-
132.
Walby, Sylvia (1990) Theorizing Patriarchy. 1-24. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
------- (1994) Towards a Theory of Patriarchy. In The Polity Reader in Gender Studies, 22-8. Cambridge:
Polity Press.
Dr. Chineze J. Onyejekwe is currently adjunct faculty at the Women’s and Gender Studies Program at Northern
Arizona University. She is the author of: Readings in Gender and Development: Engendering National and
Global Policies (2009) and Onitsha Ado N'Idu On My Mind (2011).
Arizona University. She is the author of: Readings in Gender and Development: Engendering National and
Global Policies (2009) and Onitsha Ado N'Idu On My Mind (2011).